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sklingel@icnl.org                                                       david.robinson@vuw.ac.nz

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LAW AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC

IN THE 21ST CENTURY

 Challenges and Opportunities

 

 

 

Stephan E. Klingelhofer

President, ICNL

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Presentation at the Institute of Justice and Applied Legal Studies

The University of the South Pacific

Suva, Fiji23 August 2004

 

 

 

 

What is “Civil Society?”

 

            The relationship of law and “civil society” begs an important question:  What is “civil society” anyway?  There have emerged over the past three centuries a variety of responses.  In recent years, Ford Foundation executive and scholar Michael Edwards points out[1], at least three significant definitions have taken center stage:

 

  • Civil society as part of society – in the form of associations, groups of people operating within society at large;
  • Civil society as a kind of society – value-based, creating “good;”
  • Civil society as the public sphere – the arena for public debate and argument, a public space in which differences community, cultural identity, and public policy are debated.

 

As we look at it, “civil society” describes that element of society outside of government and business sectors, both organized and essentially disorganized, that represents the workings of people among, and with one another to achieve their aspirations, meet their needs and live creative, active, healthy lives. To define the term much more precisely actually works to limit it, when in fact the essential character of “civil society” is its unlimited quality.

 

It may be more useful to envisage civil society in terms of being a space rather than in terms of activities. ICNL is concerned with assisting governments and communities to develop legislation that protects this space, rather than legislation that controls our activities. Civil society laws provide the boundaries of this space within which people can associate of their own free will and where this association can take place without repercussions or sanctions for these actions.

 

However, in the Pacific it would be more accurate to talk about a “constrained space” rather than a “free or empty” space. That is, the civil society space is one in which actions are constrained, not by the law, but by culture and religion. Another way of viewing this is to see the civil space as being both constrained by and connected with and to culture and religion.  That is, civil society (and civil society organizations) does not exist in isolation from the other sectors in society.

 

Legislation protecting the space where CSOs can form and flourish brings reality to the rights of freedoms of speech, association, assembly that are written into the constitutions of most Pacific states. After all, it is of little value to have the freedom to speak and the freedom to associate with others if there is no accompanying right to organize and to act.

           

Laws permitting civil society organizations (CSOs) to be established as legal persons play a crucially important role in making the freedom of association, protected by international and constitutional law, real and meaningful.  It is by being able to form a tenants’ rights association, a voters’ rights group, an organization to promote education for poor women, an environmental protection organization, or any other of the myriad of citizens’ organizations that individuals most fully realize the freedom of association.   Moreover, it is also by choosing not to be associated, not being compelled to join or remain a member of an association, that the freedom of association is realized.

 

The objective of improving the legal environment for CSOs is not to bring best practice in legislation to the Pacific and see how local community structures can be amended to fit into this model.  Rather, it is intended to focus on how Pacific societies organize free spaces where people can meet to identify issues and to take action collectively to meet needs for the common good and to explore what forms of legislation would best achieve this goal.

 

 

ICNL’s Work

 

Founded in 1993, ICNL has offices in Washington, DC, Budapest (Hungary), Kiev (Ukraine) and Almaty (Kazakhstan) as well as affiliated organizations in Kosovo and Bulgaria. Much of our initial work has been in assisting governments and community groups in Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia to draft legislation enabling the operation of CSOs in countries where such legislation was non-existent. More recently we have been active throughout the “Global South” and in post-conflict societies such as Kosovo and Afghanistan, assisting new governments and civil society organizations with the development of relevant legislation.

 

As ICNL’s work has extended around into around the world we have developed a policy of working in partnership with regional organizations. This approach is being taken in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, where we work in collaboration with the University of the South Pacific Law School in Port Vila and the Institute of Policy Studies in Wellington.

 

Another indication of the global interest in the reform of civil society legislation is the number of recent reviews of charity legislation in Commonwealth countries such as the UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.

 

When we talk about laws and legislation affecting civil society, we do not just mean the rules concerning registration. Our check-list of CSO legislation includes the constitutional arrangements that guarantee the freedoms of speech, assembly, association and religion, registration requirements and procedures, taxation of CSOs (including customs duty, VAT, income tax etc), taxation of donors, the definition of what is charitable, rules on ownership of property by CSOs, provisions for appeal against refusal of registration etc.

 

 

The Pacific Legacy

 

          A key issue concerning CSO legislation in the Pacific is a legacy of colonization. In all Pacific Island states civil society legislation has been introduced or adopted, upon independence, from the former colonial powers, whether they be Australia, New Zealand, UK, France, or USA. The intention was that these laws would be reviewed and revised to take account of the local situation, including recognition of customary law. However, the lack of legal capacity within the region has meant that even when there has been a review this has generally been a “paper review” by outside experts.

 

It is important to note that the countries from which much of the Pacific legislation has been adopted -- the UK, Australia and New Zealand -- have all updated their own charity legislation, while in general the countries that have “adopted” these laws continue to operate under outdated legislation.

 

For example, current legislation that applies in Niue includes the 1957 NZ Charitable Trusts Act and the 1908 NZ Incorporated Societies Act, while in Tuvalu the most relevant piece of legislation is the 1960 English Charities Act.

 

Although in some countries the recognition of customary law has been written into the constitution, how this customary law and the introduced law should fit together in practice has not been specified.

 

 

The Rule of Law

 

Increasingly scholars and practitioners working in the field have come to recognize the simple fact that, while the legal framework governing civil society is not the only element in determining the sector's health, it is an essential ingredient.  In addition to protecting civic order, people’s free exercise of government, and ability to conduct business, the sound rule of law serves to safeguard and encourage "civil society."

           

The term "rule of law" usually refers to the observed body of international accords and treaties, state constitutions, and written laws which embody the human rights traditions accepted virtually universally (at least in form), and which protect individuals and order society in the respective nations of the world. 

 

Perhaps most important for civil society, the rule of law provides a "safe" legal space in which people may work and play together, organize, carry out their own activities, and express their own opinions without fear of state intrusion or interference.  To those of us who are fearful of law as an instrument of control, it is well that we be reminded of the observation of Thomas More in the play A Man for All Seasons, when he noted that, in the absence of the forest of trees that comprises the laws that protect society, there is nothing that can protect us from the “winds of injustice” that will sweep unimpeded across the land.

 

Moreover, people have come to understand that institutions, governments, and organizations – society itself – must be governed honestly to succeed.   Trustworthy “good governance” is required at all levels.  A strong civil society, protected by law, is an essential guardian of “good governance.”

 

This view of the “rule of law” is founded principally and most securely on the “universal rights” summarized in those formulations popularly known as the “four freedoms” of association, speech, assembly, and belief -- in particular the first two.  The way these rights are applied with respect to civil society and its organizations in many respects characterizes the degree to which they are effectively recognized in a nation.

 

Further, the freedom of speech -- equally protected by international and constitutional law -- is for most individuals a freedom that has little meaning unless implemented through laws permitting interest groups to be formed.  Most of us are not important enough for our individual voices to be heard, but if we can band together to form, for example, a society for the protection of the rain forest or the rights of a disadvantaged ethnic minority, then our collective voice will more likely be heard. 

 

Laws that permit and protect CSOs and give them broad latitude to operate give real meaning to the freedoms of association and speech.  Put differently, the absence of rules permitting formal CSOs to exist and to operate freely would be inconsistent with international law.  

 

[A note on International Law[2].  Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948[3] states that "[e]veryone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression," while Article 20 protects the right of individuals to "peaceful assembly and association."  Although the Universal Declaration was not intended to bind states when it was unanimously adopted by the United Nations in 1948, it has come to have normative effect. In addition, many of its provisions have acquired binding legal status by being included in subsequent multilateral treaties.

 

For instance, the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) creates direct binding obligations for the 140 countries that have ratified it.  Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the Covenant guarantee the rights of expression, peaceful assembly, and association.

 

Realization of the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly requires, at a minimum, that governments not impede the creation and activity of civic organizations, and additionally, that they protect them from interference.  States may impose certain narrowly tailored restrictions on civic organizations exercising these rights.  Furthermore, in countries where resources traditionally have been concentrated in the hands of the state, a greater obligation on those states can be inferred:  they must make such resources available on a nondiscriminatory basis to civic organizations that seek them for lawful purposes.

 

In sum, laws permitting CSOs to exist and operate freely are indispensable to the full and meaningful implementation of the freedoms of association and speech, and international law imposes clear and strong obligations on states to enact and implement a good enabling legal environment for civil society.]

 

 

Application to the South Pacific

 

It must be remembered that the very concept of "nation state," on which the rule of law as commonly understood is based, is extremely recent in the Pacific Islands (with a very few notable exceptions[4]).  In fact, most of the nations in the region achieved political independence only within the past thirty years.[5]  Much of the introduced law in those states has been carried over from laws enacted during the time of political dependency and either replicated or modeled after the "Western" laws of one or more of the colonial powers.  While these nations have subsequently adopted laws of their own, in many instances these adopted laws have been built on existent structures imposed by colonial rule. 

 

Accordingly, though the legal framework governing and affecting civil society in the Pacific Island nations does play a significant role in determining the health of the sector, the role of the written laws is more limited than in other countries because they often have not emerged from the culture in which they exist.  Rather laws were frequently imposed or adapted from foreign models.  Moreover, in more remote areas, further away from the urban centers, the written laws affect daily life only rarely, if at all.

 

Moreover, the normative value of the “rule of law,” or of the laws that are in force in a particular jurisdiction, may be significant as a measure of the society’s goals and expectations.  At the same time, as spelled out below, the relationship between effective power and law may be less definitive in terms of the written laws in communities in which tradition better reflects the actuality of relationships.  For example, ownership of land, with the appurtenant bundle of rights and power, is largely determined by tradition and custom in the South Pacific, not by property law as commonly understood in the West.[6]  Similarly, in the South Pacific traditional practices encourage disputants to settle their differences through a process of “acknowledgement and forgiveness” rather than through a legal remedy or sentence, and often no offence is recognized even under criminal law without a willing complainant.

 

In fact, civil society organizations, in all degrees of formality and legal status, represent an essential power function – the right of people to assemble, organize, and act collectively, participating in the matters that affect their lives.  Written laws governing CSOs provide mechanisms through governance provisions whereby such collective action can be carried out in an orderly fashion.  Similarly, custom and tradition in many societies provide much the same function.  In either case, rights conferred by law/tradition recognize power, and confer the ability to act.

 

 

Knowledge of the Law

 

            The absence of any clear common understanding of introduced or adopted law or its purposes is an unfortunate consequence of both the widely dispersed lands that comprise most of the nations in the region, and the complex and segmented population groupings within and among them.[7]  Even a significant legal development in a country, such as Fiji’s 1997 Constitution, is often never even translated into local languages or meaningfully explained to the public, even when the public at large is empowered to accept or reject it.  Accordingly, the utility and de facto applicability of the laws is questionable at best, and at worst may be viewed by the public as something mysterious, dangerous, or even conspiratorial (all views assumed by various elements of the Fiji public with respect to the 1997 Constitution).

 

            Such a state of distrust or even ignorance of the written law reinforces the tendency in the region to rely on “customary” or “traditional” law to ensure order in social transactions.

 

 

Religious Bodies

 

While not strictly considered “CSOs,” the “Church” (whether Roman Catholic or Protestant) and other religious groups like the Muslims represent an extremely powerful independent force, at both national and community levels.  In fact, even village leaders generally exercise little or no direct influence over the Church and its governance.  Churches provide numerous essential public services, often staffing and even housing schools, furnishing training programs for youth, medical and emergency care facilities, and many other activities in addition to their pastoral and religious functions.

 

Throughout the region, written law, usually a simple registration process, governs the establishment and operation of churches.  At both local and national levels, in addition to providing social services, religious bodies may take positions on critical issues affecting the welfare of the community, and their influence as independent agencies can be decisive.

 

 

Categories of Laws Applicable to Civil Society Organizations

           

The following categories of laws are among the most significant that affect CSOs globally:

·        Constitutional provisions on freedom of speech, peaceful assembly, association;

·        Laws and regulations governing establishment and legal status of CSOs, domestic and foreign, as well as international NGOs -- registration, reporting/supervision, transparency;

·        Laws governing taxation of CSOs – company profits/income taxes, VAT, property, excise, customs, etc.;

·        Laws governing taxation of donors – individual profits/income taxes, gift taxes, testamentary taxes, etc.;

·        Laws governing economic activities of CSOs – consent, taxation, etc.

·        Licensing laws for providing public services – education, health, science, sports, culture;

·        Laws governing endowments;

·        Laws or regulations on assemblies;

·        Laws governing fundraising activities;

·        Laws governing ownership of property by CSOs.

 

In the Pacific, some or all of these laws and regulations may apply, notably the first four categories.  The legal framework for civil society in most of the nations in the region is characterized by relative simplicity (as compared with other parts of the world), and written laws that apply are mainly derived from the former colonial powers or influential neighbors (notably New Zealand).  In fact, foreign experts have drafted even recently adopted laws in several of the countries in the region, using models from their home countries or principles developed within foreign legal contexts. 

 

            In addition, most of the independent countries have expressly “saved” existing colonial laws, in various ways, depending on specific provisions of constituent law in the country.[8]   In some of the countries, the existing laws, as of a date certain, are “swallowed whole” (adopted through the force of the constitution or otherwise, without amendment); in others, they are adopted subject to localization, or to the degree they are “not inconsistent with” locally adopted law. 

 

The practical effect of this practice has been the existence on the statute books of various regulatory systems and procedures that conformed to the needs of other societies (often at quite distant times) but which may or may not have contemporary relevance to the island communities in which they are in force.  “Saving” the laws was initially intended as a short-term solution to a larger problem, namely, the need to have a legal structure in place upon independence.  It was anticipated that the legal systems of each country would soon be adapted through acts of their own legislatures.[9] While such adaptation has occurred, it is far from universal, and a systematic, formal law review and reform process has never been undertaken in the region, except to a limited extent in Fiji.

 

In addition, tax provisions apply to CSOs as legal entities: exemptions from income taxes, real and personal property taxes, in some cases customs duties, and deductions or exemptions for contributions to CSOs, particularly those with charitable or public benefit purposes.[10] In most countries, special laws apply to the registration of religious bodies. 

 

It should be emphasized that, in the end, charitable or public benefit status is not a trade-off between tax relief and serving the government agenda.  It is a framework that enables citizens to contribute to the public good on their own initiative.

 

 

Conclusion

 

The laws currently in place in some ways reflect at least primordial versions of contemporary regulatory principles governing appropriate legal frameworks for the CSO sector.   However, they clearly do not represent the best in contemporary legal thinking in the field.  As noted at the outset, during the past ten years, the most significant advances have been taken in new thought about the role of civil society and its place within the legal environment nationally and internationally.  Any review of legislation must take account of the role that CSOs play in building social capital, contributing to public debate on national and international policies, and forming civil society as well as their functional role in the delivery of services. Because most of the received or even adopted laws are directly taken from older Western models, substantial upgrading efforts are clearly in order.[11]

 

Next Steps

 

It is clear that certain steps can and should be taken to improve the legal infrastructure affecting CSOs in the Pacific.

 

·        Public education on the nature of civil society and the rule of law, and the applicability of certain specific laws (such as those affecting CSOs), is a necessity throughout the region.  This can be carried out through simple publications in the popular languages for the literate, and oral campaigns where literacy is lacking.  ICNL has agreed to work with local partners in the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji on this process, as part of its work in assisting in the region-wide CSO law reform effort.

 

·        Introduced or adopted statutory law must be updated to conform to the culture in which it operates as well as update the laws to conform to current international standards wherever possible.  It is necessary that the law reflect what is real and true “on the ground” in order for it to be respected and effective, and to advance the rule of law generally.  At the same time, to assure that the local law is recognized by international partners, it must reflect international standards. The Fiji model of a commission to reform the laws on a systematic basis is useful.   However, many of the Pacific Island nations are too small and too lacking in legal (or financial) resources to sponsor such a commission.  A regional effort (at least with respect to countries with a common legal heritage, such as former British colonies) may well provide the most satisfactory solution, perhaps producing “model” laws governing the sector, suitable for local adaptation. 

 

In the meantime, ICNL has been asked to assist the Fiji Law Reform Commission and the CSO community in the scheduled 2005 review of laws affecting civil society.  We expect that this review presents a clear opportunity to set a positive standard for future reforms in the region, providing consistency with international principles as well as enlightened consideration of the valued place of traditional practices in the life of the community.  



[1] Edwards, M., Civil Society, Polity Press, Cambridge (UK) (2004), Ch. 1.

[2] This section of the paper is derived from Guidelines for Laws Affecting Civic Organizations, ed. Irish, L., Simon, K, and Cushen, R., Open Society Institute, NY, NY (2001), prepared for the Open Society Institute by the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law.

[3]  G.A. res. 217A (III), U.N. Doc A/810 at 71 (1948)

 

[4] Tonga was never under Western sovereignty, while Fiji, Niue, and Samoa all had written laws and even constitutions before becoming European dependencies in the late 19th century. (See Care, J.C., Newton, T., and Paterson, D., Introduction to South Pacific Law, 1999, Cavendish, London, pp. 1-2.)

[5] Regional Synthesis: Pacific Voices of the Pacific Tide, 1999, Civil Society in the New Millenium Project, The Commonwealth Foundation, London, p. 5.

[6] Care, J.C., et al, Introduction to South Pacific Law, pp. 28-29, 231 ff.

[7]  For example, there are over 800 languages spoken in Papua New Guinea.

[8] Care, Newton, & Paterson, op. cit., pp. 49-55.

[9] Ibid. p.49.

[10] These in most cases are consistent with generally accepted international norms. 

[11] For one especially significant example, recent trends have placed substantially more emphasis on organizational accountability and transparency as opposed to direct state control.